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Month: May 2025

Leroy Maisiri – Zimbabwe: Why does the state persist when its outputs are poverty, violence and humiliation

Posted on 22/05/2025 by muntjac

Stolen from: https://mg.co.za/thought-leader/2025-04-22-zimbabwe-why-does-the-state-persist-when-its-outputs-are-poverty-violence-and-humiliation/

As Zimbabwe commemorates 45 years of independence, the spectacle of celebration  orchestrated by President Emmerson Mnangagwa in a dilapidated and waterlogged stadium serves as a metaphor for the trajectory of the postcolonial state.

The accumulation of rainwater in the cracks of this Midlands venue epitomises not only infrastructural decay but also the consequential runoff from four-and-a-half decades marked by systemic looting, incompetence and the calculated erosion of collective dignity. The pertinent inquiry is not whether Zimbabwe possesses legitimate grounds for celebration; rather, it is to interrogate why the apparatus of the state continues to persist when its predominant outputs are poverty, violence and humiliation.

Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 was heralded as an epoch of self-determination and prosperity. Contrary to these aspirations, Zanu-PF supplanted colonial exploitation with a locally entrenched kleptocracy. Institutions such as the Sally Mugabe Hospital have devolved into necropolitical spaces where women tragically bleed out because of a lack of water and medical supplies, while state resources are siphoned into Mnangagwa’s patronage networks. The World Food Programme’s alarming estimate that six million Zimbabweans endure food insecurity must be recognised not merely as a consequence of mismanagement but as a direct outcome of state policy. The assertion that the state fails in its roles is profoundly misleading; it operates effectively to fulfill its true mandate: the concentration of power and wealth.

The catastrophic economic trajectory that Zimbabwe has traversed since independence is illustrated by the disintegration of its monetary system. This phenomenon reflects not merely a series of policy miscalculations but rather the systemic rot inherent in a predatory state. In 1980, the newly sovereign nation inherited a currency, the Zimbabwean dollar (ZWD) that was not only stronger than the US dollar but also pegged at parity with the British pound. But, within a mere two decades, this currency imploded, suffering a staggering 70% depreciation by 1997. This early collapse was exacerbated by the neoliberal Economic Structural Adjustment Programme, which, while apparently designed to liberalise the economy, functioned instead as a vehicle for elite accumulation, stripping public assets and entrenching inequality without fostering meaningful economic growth.

Subsequent decades have witnessed Zimbabwe’s monetary system devolving into a farcical series of failed experiments: from hyperinflationary versions of the Zimbabwean dollar to improvised monetary instruments, such as traveller’s cheques, bearer cheques, and bond notes. Each iteration has further undermined public trust. The introduction of Real-Time Gross Settlement dollars and the 2019 reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar have only deepened the crisis, as the state’s compulsive money-printing and lack of fiscal discipline transformed each new currency into a temporary placeholder for value rather than a stable medium of exchange. Furthermore, quasi-currency systems such as EcoCash and Zipit have emerged as desperate makeshift solutions, underscoring the collapse of formal monetary authority.

This relentless churn of currencies more than a dozen in 15 years exposes  fundamental truth: a national currency is not merely a technical instrument; it embodies a social contract, a collective confidence in the issuing authority. Zimbabwe’s monetary chaos signifies a total breakdown of that contract, as the state’s kleptocratic inclinations and its refusal to relinquish control over seigniorage revenue (the profit derived from the creation of money) have transformed currency into a mechanism for extraction rather than economic facilitation. The bastardisation of foreign currencies, such as the US dollar and the South African rand, which were once adopted as lifelines during hyperinflation, further exemplifies how state failures have forced citizens into informal, decentralised survival strategies.

This monetary unravelling is emblematic of a broader centralisation of power that monopolises economic life. The state’s insistence on maintaining control over currency, despite its repeated failures, mirrors its overarching control over land, resources and political agency, even as it engenders ruin.

In stark contrast, grassroots initiatives such as dollarisation and mobile money systems reveal the feasibility of stateless alternatives, wherein trust is negotiated horizontally rather than imposed by fiat. Thus, Zimbabwe’s currency crisis transcends a mere case study in mismanagement; it encapsulates the postcolonial state’s enduring struggle to transcend its colonial legacy as an extractive institution.

The solution lies not in the introduction of another state-issued currency but in the dismantlement of the monopoly over monetary power, advocating for radical decentralisation that aligns with anarchist ideals of voluntary, mutualistic exchange.

The assemblies at Mnangagwa’s rallies are not indicative of grassroots support; rather, they reflect an engineered desperation. When unemployment soars to 95% and inflation renders currency functionally meaningless, a handout of chicken and chips morphs into a coercive contract: endure the spectacle of one’s own degradation for the sake of sustenance. This scenario is not governance; it exemplifies a protection racket masquerading as political engagement. The colonial racist ghost of Ian Smith, whose prophetic assertion of decay under Zanu-PF has been illustrated, haunts these gatherings, not due to its accuracy, but because the nationalist state has assimilated and perfected the colonial logic of resource extraction.

The solution is not another election, another party or another strongman. The Zimbabwean state is a corpse that refuses to decompose, and no amount of reform will resurrect it into something benevolent. Logic demands we confront the reality that centralised power whether colonial or “liberationist” is inherently predatory. Yet even under such oppressive pressure the solution, like a flower budding through concrete, the alternatives already flicker in the margins.

We see autonomous mutual aid, where the state abandons hospitals and clinics run by community collectives (such as those seen in Chitungwiza during cholera outbreaks), proving that survival happens despite the state, not because of it. We have seen land and food sovereignty where the state’s land grabs destroyed productivity, but occupied farms reclaimed by agrarian cooperatives outside Zanu-PF’s crony distribution could this restore subsistence autonomy? One can only hope.

Forty-five years of independence have proven that the state is not the vehicle of liberation but its antithesis. Zimbabwe’s suffering is not a result of “bad leaders” but of the very idea that liberation comes from above.

The rain flooding Mnangagwa’s stadium is a fitting emblem: the state cannot even build drains, yet it demands absolute sovereignty over lives it has no interest  in sustaining. True independence begins when Zimbabweans stop asking the state for solutions and start recognising it as the problem.

Leroy Maisiri is a researcher and educator focused on labour, social movements and emancipatory politics in Southern Africa, with teaching and publishing experience in sociology and political theory.

Leroy Maisiri – Burkina Faso: Revolution, authoritarianism and the crisis of African emancipation politics

Posted on 22/05/2025 by muntjac

Stolen from: https://mg.co.za/thought-leader/2025-05-08-burkina-faso-revolution-authoritarianism-and-the-crisis-of-african-emancipation-politics/

There was a time when Robert Mugabe stood as the towering figure of African liberation. Raised fists, Pan-Africanist banners, and chants of self-rule marked Zimbabwe’s emergence from white settler colonialism. Mugabe, like many of his generation, represented the victory of the oppressed against imperial domination. But history, with its ruthless clarity, would later mark him not only as a liberator but as an authoritarian. His early heroism curdled into repression, corruption, and the suffocation of dissent.

This trajectory is not unique to Mugabe, nor to Zimbabwe. Across the African continent, a grim pattern repeats itself: liberation movements, once anchored in popular struggle and dreams of self-determination, morph into bureaucratic, militarised and often repressive regimes.

Today, a new face of revolution is emerging in Burkina Faso under the youthful and charismatic Captain Ibrahim Traoré. His image is cast in the mould of Thomas Sankara, evoking the anti-imperialist spirit of the 1980s, and his language is resolute: “This is not a democracy. This is a revolution.”

But what kind of revolution dismisses democracy? What are we to make of yet another seizure of power by men in uniform, claiming to act on behalf of the people? If history is to be our teacher, then we must ask: can a revolution built on authoritarian foundations ever birth true liberation? Or are we merely witnessing the replay of a tragic cycle in which the people are always betrayed?

In answering this, anarchist theory offers a sobering and necessary critique, particularly the principle of “prefiguration”. Loosely this means what we want our society to become in the future is literally shaped by what we do today. Therefore the means to transform society and used to achieve liberation must reflect the liberated society we seek to build. Dictatorship in the name of the people is not a contradiction; it is a betrayal.

Africa’s liberation paradox

In 1980, Mugabe took the reins of an independent Zimbabwe amid jubilation. A fierce critic of apartheid South Africa and a stalwart of African nationalism, Mugabe embodied the hopes of a continent still shaking off colonial chains. His government expanded access to education and health, undertook land redistribution (albeit slowly at first), and positioned Zimbabwe as a regional beacon.

Yet beneath the surface of national pride lurked the seeds of authoritarian rule. The Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland state-directed violence that left thousands dead was the first major crack in the façade. By the 1990s and 2000s, the promise had largely faded. Economic mismanagement, systematic attacks on the opposition, the use of war veterans as enforcers and rigged elections turned Zimbabwe into a cautionary tale. Mugabe had become the very figure he once fought against: a ruler deaf to the cries of his people.

What went wrong? The problem was not merely Mugabe’s personality or age, but a structural one: a centralised, hierarchical, militarised politics that concentrated power in the hands of a few. The masses, once mobilised for liberation, were now reduced to spectators of state-led nationalism. The logic of domination, inherited from colonial rule, remained intact.

The African continent is filled with liberation leaders who later ossified into authoritarian rulers. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Laurent-Désiré Kabila rose to power after deposing the infamous Mobutu Sese Seko. Hailed as a reformer, he quickly silenced dissent, suspended democratic institutions, and entrenched cronyism.

In Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki’s led the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) to independence from Ethiopia in 1993, since then the government has abolished elections, outlawed dissent, and turned the country into a prison state. In Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, once a progressive voice with an ambitious reform agenda who came into power in 1986 after a guerrilla war, promising to end dictatorship and restore democracy has clung to power for decades, repressing opposition and manipulating constitutional term limits.

What binds these cases is not simply the betrayal of early ideals but the structure of the revolutionary movements themselves: the dominance of military actors, the centralisation of decision-making and the erasure of grassroots democratic input. Liberation became a state project, not a people’s movement. The result was not freedom but domination by a different set of elites.

Ibrahim Traoré and the Burkina Faso moment

It is in this historical context that we must understand the rise of Ibrahim Traoré in Burkina Faso. In September 2022, Traoré seized power from a fellow military officer, citing the government’s failure to contain jihadist violence and its lingering ties to French neocolonial interests. Young, fiery and armed with Pan-African rhetoric, Traoré has been embraced by many across Africa as a new kind of revolutionary. His speeches decry imperialism, his posture rejects Western control and his persona taps into the Sankarist legacy.

Yet, there are reasons to be deeply cautious. Traoré has suspended the Constitution, dissolved the National Assembly and postponed elections indefinitely. Civil society participation is tightly controlled. Criticism is increasingly silenced under the banner of national unity. Most tellingly, Traoré himself has declared that this is not a democracy but a revolution.

Here lies the central contradiction. A revolution that excludes participatory, horizontal and people-driven democracy is not a revolution of liberation, but of substitution. The people are once again sidelined, replaced by uniforms and commands.

The alternative: Prefiguration and the case of Nestor Makhno

So one must then wonder whether a democratic revolution is even possible and, if yes, can we point to an example? The example must not only be historically true but must also reject the logic of the “ends justify the means” that has plagued so many revolutionary movements.

The example must embody the concept of prefiguration, by developing the type of ideas and social structures today that mirror the tomorrow we want.  There existed a man by the name of Nestor Makhno who led the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine during the early 20th century. Operating during the Russian Civil War, Makhno led a peasant-based movement that resisted both the White counter-revolution and the authoritarian Bolsheviks. Central to the Makhnovist approach was the creation of workers’ and peasants’ councils, assemblies where decisions were made collectively and leaders were subject to immediate recall. The army itself functioned democratically, with elected commanders and decisions made in open discussion.

Makhno’s movement was not perfect, but it represented a rare experiment in what a truly self-managed, bottom-up revolution could look like. Its core lesson was that real freedom is impossible without democratic participation at every level of struggle. Militarised command structures cannot give birth to emancipatory societies; instead they reproduce the hierarchies they claim to oppose.

If Africa’s revolutions are to avoid the fate of betrayal, they must reject the authoritarian path. This means dismantling the idea that a small revolutionary elite or a military junta can deliver freedom on behalf of the people. The people must deliver it themselves.

This requires building structures of direct democracy, participatory budgeting, local councils, community assemblies, federations of self-organised movements. It means breaking from both Western liberal democracy, with its elite-controlled institutions, and from nationalist authoritarianism, with its strongmen and military decrees.

It means recognising that a revolution that begins by silencing voices will end by crushing them. In Burkina Faso, the revolutionary moment is still young. There is still time to reshape its path toward radical democracy rather than dictatorship with a populist face. But that will require more than speeches; it will require giving the people power not just in rhetoric, but in practice.

History has been a graveyard of failed liberations. But it doesn’t have to be. If we take seriously the anarchist principle that the means must reflect the ends, we can begin to imagine a politics that does not reproduce hierarchy but dismantles it. A politics that is not merely anti-imperialist, but anti-authoritarian. A revolution that is not a replacement of rulers, but the abolition of rule itself.

This article in no way is against the anti-imperialist/anti-colonialist stance of Burkina Faso nor is it a personal critique of the Capitan, rather it argues for all progressive forces to truly self-reflect on the type of liberation we want on the continent. Liberation cannot be delivered from above. It must be built from below, and it must begin now.

Leroy Maisiri is a researcher and educator focused on labour, social movements and emancipatory politics in Southern Africa, with teaching and publishing experience in industrial economic sociology.

Anon – Whither Black Anarchism? : An Anarchist Critique of Contemporary Black Anarchist Culture in the United States

Posted on 13/05/2025 - 13/05/2025 by muntjac

Part of Muntjac Issue 2. 

[A4 PDF] [US-Letter PDF]

Note: This is a self critique and a critique of communities I’ve been a part of my entire adult life. It was very hard to write especially in a moment where it feels like anarchist activity is low but revolutionaries have to remain honest especially in these perilous times. I speak about Black anarchists cause those are the people I spend most of my time around however many of these critiques could be extended to Non-Black POC and Indigenous anarchist tendencies as well.

 

It is unclear if Black anarchism matters. Despite those who would say to the contrary, Black anarchism is not a primary vehicle actively pursuing the short term goal of destruction of the United States and the longer term goal of social revolution. Despite the rise of podcasts, social media accounts, publications, zines, articles, Black anarchist organizing projects remain sparse. To the authors’ knowledge, Martin Sostre House (a social center/housing collective), Balagoon Boxing Gym (unclear if this project is still active), Black Autonomy Federation-LA, Black Autonomy Federation-Chicago (unclear if this project is still active) and Black Lantern Book (a bookstore) are the only projects that exist in the United States with a clear commitment to Black anarchist politics. It should be acknowledged that some projects and affinities must remain clandestine but regardless of that, it remains a relatively poor showing for a tendency that has existed for decades at this point.

 

Despite the constant Black anarchist critique of white anarchist subculture as ineffectual or disconnected in texts such as Black Anarchism and the Black Radical Tradition published by Daraja Press, Black anarchists themselves have failed largely to organize amongst themselves let alone amongst Black people. This is a failure. If all Black anarchists can offer is zines and critique, they are no better than white leftists who stick their heads in books all day. While it is easy to blame white anarchists, Black anarchists refuse to look to their own failures. If there’s a true belief that white anarchists or authoritarian socialists are as fascist or counter revolutionary as some proclaim, then why are they not being organized against? Why are they not being robbed or beaten? If the Black leftists and the non-profits are such a threat to our movements, why are they not being robbed or beaten? The threats are all rhetorical. Instead, Black anarchists act like liberals as they demand reparations/accountability from white radicals.The unfortunate truth is that Black anarchism as a tendency in the United States is still rooted unfortunately in a politics of victim-hood rather than agency.

 

Furthermore, Black anarchism is going the way of the non-profit industrial complex or academia as more books, articles and lectures are published. Numerous opportunists see Black anarchism as a way to make a quick buck so they build their personal brands around it. I’m not gonna name names cause it’s actually so common though at this point, the only Black anarchists I trust are the ones who publish anonymously. These “black anarchist” personalities are no different than enemies like Patrisse Cullors or Opal Tometi from BLM. Black anarchism no longer exists in a subversive sense. And perhaps, it never did (although Lorenzo, Ashanti and Kuwasi’s brave actions certainly must be acknowledged). Anarchism is fundamentally a set of practices that revolutionaries use to pursue revolution. But if the anarchists in question are not building towards any type of revolution or insurrection, then the practices make little to no sense as they are not being practically applied. Again, I ask myself how are Black anarchists any different from many white radicals who simply read books and make critiques while refusing to get their hands dirty alongside the oppressed and exploited? Podcasts, memes, edgy twitter threads, cookouts, patreon accounts, and gofundmes are not an organizational orientation that is compatible with a revolutionary anarchist set of politics. Platitudes, complaints, hanging out and slogans are not substitutes for action. Idealizing anarchist movements in other places and posting riot footage is not a substitute for action here. And unfortunately, there is quite little action from Black anarchists these day. But there’s a whole lot of tweets.

 

Despite anarchist critiques of the following formations, the Black Panthers, the Black Liberation Army, the Black Guards, RAM, various New Afrikan formations, the Black Unity Council, Black Guerilla Family and others had an organizational orientation that built towards revolutionary struggle. There is nothing equivalent to that in the United States in terms of Black anarchists. Instead of a movement that organizes, there is a rampant culture of individualism (not the cool kind either), complaint, cowardice, and opportunism. The refusal of Black anarchists to organize and provide alternatives to all of the things they hate is proof of a weakness that is rooted in a racist self hatred, inferiority and victim-hood mentality that is inherited/taught by the legacy of from slavery and its afterlives…the non-profit industrial complex, academia, racist public schools, and prisons.

 

The abandoning of our political prisoners is evidence of this racist self-hatred as well. Big names in Black anarchism do nothing to uplift and support the various Black prisoners of the George Floyd uprising such as Malik Muhammad or Mujera Benjamin Lunga’ho. While Black anarchists make constant claim of revolutionary politics, there is little to no support for Black revolutionaries in prison. Perhaps it is because many Black anarchists are simply subcultural scenesters scared of the real revolutionaries who have sacrificed their freedom and ended up on the inside of the enemy’s prison? Or perhaps many Black anarchists are so divorced from real struggle that they have no knowledge that some Black people have taken real risks for our movement while they complain about crackers online? Perhaps it is because Black anarchism similar to the white anarchists they constantly set ourselves up in opposition to remains a petit-bourgeois tendency that cares little for the struggles of the lumpen-proletariat? I don’t have a clear answer. I know that’s not the case for me and my comrades but we are few and far between in the existing Black anarchist tendency. And it makes me wonder, what is the point of any of this? Shouldn’t we just be anarchists?

 

Maybe to find revolutionary organizing efforts oriented towards Black liberation (albeit imperfect), it is better to look to some of the Black nationalist groups such as Community Movement Builders, Cooperation Jackson, Huey P. Newton Gun Club, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, Black Men Build and others. These groups despite their contradictions are making efforts to build a Black revolutionary trajectory albeit one that I am largely uninterested in personally. Doubtless some readers will admonish me for referencing these groups due to their political failings but the reality is that these groups are at least attempting to building capacity while many Black anarchists remain inactive or adjacent to ineffectual white anarchist subculture. These spaces may be contested perhaps while the Black anarchist spaces themselves do not seem to exist besides the projects mentioned earlier.

The author believes these questions must be asked because the current culture around “Black anarchic radicalism” as some call it is not a revolutionary culture. It is a culture largely for those with proximity to white anarchists, the Black left or the non-profit industrial complex to voice their frustrations and then sit at home. There is no revolutionary horizon with this current trajectory. Critique is not a stand in for attack. Critique is not a stand in for organization. Critique is not a stand in for capacity. Critique is not a stand in for affinity. Critiques only hold weight if there is a desire and effort to out-organize the enemies or even comrades you are critiquing, otherwise your politics hold no weight.

 

Black anarchists should tweet less and attack more. I no longer feel committed to the Black anarchist project. Instead, I remain simply an anarchist with a desire for Black liberation. Various anarchists I know (regardless of their apparent to Black anarchism as an ideology) are more committed to these struggles than most self identified Black anarchists. Political identity especially when it comes to race can only go so far. Black anarchism remains mired in the muck of opportunism, inferiority, self hatred and cowardice. Until Black anarchists commit to a politics of comradeship, bravery, experimentation, and love of other Black people, it is unlikely I will rejoin the tendency. I learned my anarchism from the Black anarchist theorists but I cannot willingly remain a part of a tendency that has done so little for ourselves let alone the broader Black struggle. Black anarchism was meant to be a weapon to be wielded for Black liberation. If the current Black anarchist culture in the United States is the example, it is a faulty weapon that would backfire and kill me.

My comrades who I remain most inspired by take inspiration from many other tendencies other than just Black anarchism. While understanding the importance of our historical legacy from Black anarchist elders, my comrades politics are much more grounded in different strains such as insurrectionary anarchism, Islam, Black nationalism, nihilism, and queer militancy. These things seem like better jumping off points for building a revolutionary culture than Black anarchism even if some of them contradict one another as these origin points are a set of politics not built entirely on complaint as Black anarchism seems to be. Anarchy pulls from many different strains, the insistence on Black anarchism or an anarchism that is non-white is uninteresting as it is simply reactive. So I think for the moment, anarchy will just have to suffice.

Anonymous Submission, if this article made you feel some kinda way, consider writing a reply to it… (or better yet, go do some cool shit and mention you’re a Black anarchist in the reportback)

Patrick Jonathan Derilus – the BLA greets Rodney Hinton Jr.

Posted on 09/05/2025 - 13/05/2025 by muntjac

You can find more from the author here: https://pjd1.medium.com/ 

Write a letter.

Full name: Hinton, Rodney
Control Number: 2705475
Securus ID: 27054750810
Housing Location : OUT-CLRMT-COUNT-1-001

 

Muntjac Issue 2: Insurgency & Counter Insurgency

Posted on 02/05/2025 - 17/05/2025 by muntjac

We intended to publish this on Mayday but we were too busy slacking. Huge thanks to everyone who wrote in, it means the world to us that you’d trust us with your ideas, hopefully this collection inspires a new wave of troublemaking.

The cover depicts a riotous scene with photos from Jakarta, Martinique, Harehills, Thailand and England. There are also several deer eating abortion herbs.

This is a whopping 130 pages so turnaround is gonna take longer than usual, however a zine version is in the works and will be posted soon.

To (pre) order a copy, click here.

If you have any questions/want to order in bulk, please send us an E-mail.

PDF

A5 Reader

llustrations

Front cover by Naga

Stickers by @merapalberang

Rear artwork on the booklet version is by Suar Padma a network of artists in Indonesia.

Supplements (Included in all mailorder copies)

Sticker Set (6x 4”x6” B/W Thermal Labels) PRINT

08 – Revolution or Reification?: A Critique of FRSO’s Political Program (A5 Zine) [PRINT] [READ]

Simoun Magsalin – Rebel Peripheries (A5 Zine) [Print] [Read]

Anon – Whither Black Anarchism? : An Anarchist Critique of Contemporary Black Anarchist Culture in the United States (one-pager) [A4 PDF] [US-Letter PDF]

Contents.

Mutt. – Editorial

Looking at the broad counterinsurgent tactics in babylon and across the world – from funding and surveillance to police-friendly A–B marches – Mutt tells us why it’s important to know your enemy.

Zhachev – They Who Returned to the Rock

Zhachev draws connections between ancient Nabataeans, historical Indigenous resistance, and deep knowledge of the land as he proposes a critical decolonial reading of ‘Dune’.

Mar – this poem is dedicated to uncle

Mar dedicates, with the incandescent clarity of the midday sun, a poem to uncle – and all the aunties, NGOs, beckies and bootlickers, too.

Sidiq – Pengar / Hangover

Sidiq shares a poem in defiance of colonial civilisation. Sidiq is part of two publishing collectives: ___contemplative [Instagram] andtalaspress [Instagram], and his prisoner support group is taking donations: einzine16@gmail.com

Margeret Kimblerly & Roddy Rod – Martinique’s History of Resistance

Abridged transcript of a discussion between Margaret Kimberley and Roddy Rod on the situation in Martinique, including its past and present colonial relations with France, internal Martinican politics, and ongoing insurrection.

Simoun Magsalin – The Anarchy of the Peripheries

Simoun Magsalin takes us through landscapes of peripheries and asks what anarchisms might be created there. What can we learn from the specificities of failures and successes of anarchist projects? Where do we go from here, wherever we currently are?

Leonardo Torres Llerena – Toward an Indo-American Revolution

With generosity and criticality, Leonardo Torres Llerena examines the legacy of José Carlos Mariátegui, an early C20th Peruvian Marxist writer and activist, and why his work is relevant for contemporary anarchist tendencies with regard to Indigenous-led uprisings. 

CharlieBanga & Semiyah – Autonomous Submersion

CharlieBanga & Semiyah discuss ‘autonomous submersion’, a term they originated to foreground Black autonomy as refusal to submit to enslavement by instead choosing death. ‘May we all be as brave and resilient as the original black autonomists.’

Anon – Our Burning Memory

Unflinchingly looking at fear, cowardice victimhood as constituting whiteness, Anon urges us to remember our capacity for wielding power and to consciously recognise our revolutionary fighting spirit.

Patrick Jonathan Derilus – The Immovable Black Lumpenproletariat

Looking at Black social formations that resist the State and its white colonial violence, Patrick Jonathan Derilus shares a critical history of Black factions and gangs that foreground abolitionist responses.

Fawaz Murtada – Why Would You Become an Anarchist in Sudan?

An anarchist in Sudan explains why anarchism offers clarity in the struggle against multiple failed social systems, and how the anarchist movement in Sudan has contributed to community aid and education during war.

Daniel Adediran – Where is Black Anarchism in the UK?

Contextualising the means and ends of anarchism within historical African societies and modern Black radical traditions, Daniel Adediran proposes Espicifismo as a way forward for Black Anarchism in the UK.

Anon – Principles for the coming Yankee invasion / Principios para la invasion gringa que se viene

A Mexican anarchist predicts what will happen in the coming year if the Trump government is not stopped.

Decolonize Anarchism – May Day on Fire: Against Empire and Theocracy

The Western left will march on May 1st under red banners, chanting slogans of internationalism and workers’ power. But SWANA anarchist project Decolonize Anarchism ask – is there room for Iranian workers in your May Day?

Group Of Informal Affinity – Reject the National Army law

A fiery communiqué from insurrectionists resisting the Indonesian state.

Muntjac Collective – Protect Yourself

We have two suggestions on how you and your groups can prepare yourselves.

Anon – Alexa, take me to prison!

An analysis of how hostile technology is embedded in counterinsurgency, plus tactics and experimental ideas for what anarchists can do to create alternative cultures of operational security.

Haraami – Follow the Fires

A diagnosis of how counter-insurgent forms of identity politics leverage scenes and milieus as incubators of insular and fickle social competition and calls upon revolutionaries to focus instead on fidelity to uprisings and practical questions of revolution.

Mutt. – What Color Is The Smoke? (In conversation with Follow The Fires)

A embrace and criticism of a recent article on counter-insurgent forms of identity politics, plus reflections and memories of farcical moments in POC anarchist projects of the past and a Black anarchist project in the UK.

Mar – An Introvert’s Guide to the Insurrection

Want to do insurgency but are put off by large social gatherings? Don’t worry, Mar is here with a light-hearted DIY guide on how to make revolution happen.

poet of da soil – untitled

poet of da soil shares a poem that calls for rebellion in the form of life.

Anon – Selections From Disquietude Laboratory

Three poems from an Indonesian language egoist anarchist zine. 

Anon – Selections from Kompilasi Puizine

A powerful introductory note and three poems pulled from a huge compilation of Indonesian-language anarchist poems, published during the ongoing clashes with the state.

Mutt. – Editorial

Posted on 02/05/2025 - 05/05/2025 by muntjac

Part of Muntjac Issue 2: Insurgency & Counter Insurgency

What motivated us to theme this second issue of the magazine around Insurgency & Counterinsurgency  is our desire to crystialize our dispersed experiences of betrayal, repression and defeat into not only a critique of the left and some sections of the anarchist scene but to present an alternative with teeth.

 

We also want to draw more attention to the lessons we could be learning from the moments of refusal that do happen here and of course lessons from movements in Palestine, Kanaky, Martinique, Guadeloupe, Kenya, Greece, Indonesia, West Papua, Mexico, Argentina, Chile or elsewhere.

 

Before we go any further, it’s important to define terms;

 

Insurgency – an insurgency is a formation of lightly armed people waging asymmetrical warfare against a larger, centralized enemy. Typically, this enemy (to the insurgents) is the state which dominates the given territory or an occupying force that has moved into an area.

 

The police here and elsewhere frame their study of the anarchist movement that separates itself from the theatre that is the left wing of capital through this lens, no matter what they call us, the state is the only terrorist. Further to this, we should point out that we’re not insurgency fetishists as we’re not inspired by the insurgencies of fascists but instead insurgencies against colonialism, capital and the state.

 

Counterinsurgency – counterinsurgency is a term to define a range of tactics utilized by an occupying force to repress insurgences that have formed against them.

 

There are a myriad of tactics used by occupiers to maintain their control, most of which are “direct” in nature: Blockades or Checkpoints to funnel insurgent traffic through regions the occupation has better control of. Surveillance Infrastructure, Patrols, or Quick Reaction Forces (highly mobile units equipped with “force multiplier” equipment, trained to respond to any attack on the occupations infrastructure)

 

These are always complemented by tactics of a more “indirect” nature. The use of torture or bribes to gain information, the spreading of disease, the use of chemical weapons, psychological warfare, propaganda, byzantine regulation to mentally exhaust the people trying to etch out a way of life under occupation, the use of paramilitaries for plausible denability is often complemented with the creation of counter-gangs [1] (lightly armed groups trained by the occupation to both delegitimize the initial insurgency and to actively hunt them down and kill them)

 

In the past few years, we’ve been witnesses to insurgent elements in uprisings against the state in Belarus, Hong Kong, the Black anti-police uprising across the so-called US in 2020, Indonesia, Kanaky, Martinique, Guadeloupe and elsewhere. A new stage of anti-colonial struggle in Palestine began with the Al-Aqsa Flood and despite heightened genocidal tactics by the occupation and its allies, the resistance has continued. In Myanmar, anti-junta insurgent groups still fight the Tatmadaw. In West Papua, Insurgent groups persist against the Indonesian armed forces. There are others, but I only have so many pages to spare.

 

At the same time, we’ve seen a burgeoning arms race in counter-insurgent tactics to crush uprisings in their infancy or to wear them out at their heights. Here, the horizon looks bleak for those of us who rise in anger at the British state:

 

In the prisons, more weapons are being introduced after an attack on prison guards, the punitive raid at HMP Garth still rings in the ears of prisoners once under the illusion that the wave of early releases has signaled a coming ease in the quality of life on the inside [2].

 

Stepping outside, you’ll likely come face to lens with the British pathological urge to film fucking everything, this will deepen as the police introduce permanent facial recognition technology installations to complement the preexisting checkpoint-style facial recognition vans. This combined with the prevalence of apps like PimEyes [3] is enough to make anyone anxious.

 

It’s (still) a police carnival, if you’ve had the displeasure of participating in Babylon’s various protest movements, you’ve seen it. The counterinsurgency has many faces but what it tends to look like is the perpetual appeal for calm, for peace, the prevention of de-arrests,calls for “non-violence”. Specifically,

It looks like the PSC’s (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) leadership taking down an article by Scotland PSC talking about how the police sent armed response and made several arrests during a static demo outside of a fucking Home Bargains supermarket. It looks like Representasians pushing for Hate Crime legislation deceptively wrapped in the language of anti-racism [4]. It looks like  Black ‘Security’ organisations like Forever Family serving as a de facto police force at demonstrations in Black neighbourhoods.

Fuck them, they know what side they’re on.

 

Austerity for everyone but the police, 13,000 new cops, new drone tech, a glimpse of which was seen last summer a drone hovered above a prearranged antifascist counter-demonstration meeting point with its speaker blaring “REMOVE YOUR MASKS OR YOU WILL BE ARRESTED”. In a video posted to TikTok the Metropolitan Police illustrated their ongoing campaign of installing plainclothes police officers inside shops frequently targeted by shoplifters.

 

New power granted to the police has criminalized masks, tactics that work and spoof their tech are threats to the techno dystopian hellscape we live in. The police are already using predictive policing algorithmic software to aid in their campaigns of predation, speaking of which, the British Transport Police jumped with joy as a new transphobic supreme court decision has given them the chance to further their frequent abuses against women and children. On top of all of this, a new FBI style police agency is on the cards and ongoing repressive projects like Operation Adream are on our minds once again [5].

 

Elsewhere, the feeling seems mutual:

 

In Indonesia, anarchists and students who rose against new laws that would return the country to military rule have faced off against counter-gangs of plainclothes cops dressed like demonstrators, the police have re-routed ambulances full of wounded protestors to police stations, police have destroyed supplies of water and food prepared to sustain the fight and have utilized hardware that intercepts mobile phone data, notably, using it to try to access people’s Whatsapp accounts (these protests have largely been organised via social media). The police use powdered dye to mark the clothes of people gathering at pre-arranged protest sites, this is paired with the installation of new cameras [6].

 

In Greece, the New Democracy government has tried and failed to distract people from its shortcomings through repression [7]. On top of this the communist KKE again join the forces of the counter-insurgency calling the Koukoulofori (“hooded ones” in Greek) cops as they pack their banners into their bags and head home the second the molotov cocktails and tear gas start flying. This again reminds us of their collaboration with the police in defense of the parliament and the Golden Dawn fascist organisation in the past [8].

 

In Nigeria, politicians can easily dip into the large numbers of unemployed young people to form counter-gangs to repress protests on their behalf.

 

In Turkey, police use irritant chemical sprays to force protestors to remove their masks so they can be photographed for follow-up arrest.

 

In Turtle Island, during a daytime direct action against parked police vehicles in “NYC”, police use drones to track the anarchists as they disperse. Automatic license plate readers, Instagram captions, and fingerprints were used to aid in the prosecution of 3 alleged Arsonists at Tesla car dealerships [9]. The RICO charges levelled against the Stop Cop City movement show a clear attempt at the criminalization of solidarity itself [10].

 

Are we fucked then?

 

On the contrary, despite the billions of pounds poured into the apparatus of the counter-insurgency, opportunities for disruption, refusal and freedom through negation exist everywhere. If you’ve been paying attention, people are taking these opportunities, the misery of everyday life is vulnerable, you just need to be determined.

 

More sophisticated knowledge of the technological tools of repression can help us stay on the outside, anarchists recognizing the fact that anti-repression is everyone’s responsibility could help those on the inside survive the regime of isolation and deprivation too.

 

I’m drawn back to the Creole proverb Sé ti bwa ka fè gwo difé

Smouldering little branches, when grouped together, can fuel a great fire.

 

Mutt.

01/05/2025

 

Recommended Further Reading 

 

An Open Letter To The International Anti-Prison / Anti-Repression Gathering (2024)

returnfire.noblogs.org/post/2024/03/25

 

To the International Anarchist Movement: Three Security Proposals

notrace.how/blog/three-proposals/three-proposals

 

Encrypted Messaging for Anarchists

anarsec.guide/posts/e2ee

 

We (MUST) Keep Us Safe: An interview with a Long-Term, Anonymous Anarchist Comrade on Repression, Trauma, Security Culture, and Revolutionary Solidarity

thefinalstrawradio.noblogs.org/post/2025/01/12

 

Bristol Anarchist Black Cross

bristolabc.org

 

In The Belly: a journal by and for people who are held captive by the Prison-Industrial Complex.

bellyzine.net

 

Mongoose Distro: material solely for the purpose of achieving breakdown of prison through disruption.

mongoosedistro.com

 

International Day of Solidarity with Marius Mason & All Long-Term Anarchist Prisoners 

june11.noblogs.org

 

International Week of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners (23 – 30 August)

https://solidarity.international

 

 

NOTES

[1] kalasnyikov.hu/dokumentumok/frank-kitson-gangs-countergangs.pdf

[2] iwoc.iww.org.uk/2024/11/03

[3] actforfree.noblogs.org/2025/01/29

[4] pearnuallak.com/against-hate-crime

[5] returnfire.noblogs.org/post/2024/03/25 Page 49.

[6] For more like this: www.notrace.how/threat-library

[7] thefinalstrawradio.noblogs.org/post/2025/01/26

[8] ananarchistcalledmutt.noblogs.org/post/2025/03/08/the-kkke

[9] archive.ph/65VH6

[10] thefinalstrawradio.noblogs.org/post/2025/03/30

 

 

Zhachev – They Who Returned to the Rock

Posted on 02/05/2025 - 05/05/2025 by muntjac

Part of Muntjac Issue 2: Insurgency & Counter Insurgency

In approximately 312 BCE, a former general of the late Alexander the Great, King Antigonus I Monophthalmos launched an effort to conquer the Nabataean people. The Nabataeans were a proto-Arab group, in many ways the proto-Arab group, who had for centuries inhabited the deserts of Syria and the Levant, particularly what is today southern Jordan. Known for their nomadic lifestyle, control of important trade routes, and illusive nature, they were a very significant cultural, economic, and political force in the region during the era.

The Nabataeans were not a people who hastily conducted warfare. While it is true that they generally avoided direct confrontation, they did excel at a lethal kind of proto-guerrilla warfare with cunning strategies, leveraging their knowledge of the desert terrain and the resources of their extensive trade networks to outclass and outmaneuver their opponents. Their military engagements were often characterized as defensive in nature, reflecting a preference for avoiding open battles and instead exploiting the strategic advantages offered by their environment to gain tactical victories.

During the classical campaign of King Antigonus I against these desert free men, the Nabataeans, who controlled the vast flow of spice and incense throughout the whole of the ancient and classical world, noteworthy historical figures were involved. There was Demetrius, son of Antigonus I, the failure and war criminal Athenaeus, a general of Antigonus I, and Hieronymus of Cardia, a famous Hellenic historian. The chronicle of Hieronymus regarding these events was later incorporated through its surviving fragments into the writings of the Hellenic historian Diodorus of Sicily. Specifically, a work by Diodorus entitled Library of World History, sec. 19.94.2-95.2, which provides a fascinating account of Nabataean customs. Here’s a translation by C.H. Oldfather:

“For the sake of those who do not know, it will be useful to state in some detail the customs of these Arabs (Ἀράβιοι), by following which, it is believed, they preserve their liberty.

They live in the open air, claiming as native land a wilderness that has neither rivers nor abundant springs from which it is possible for a hostile army to obtain water. It is their custom neither to plant grain, set out any fruit-bearing tree, use wine, nor construct any house; and if anyone is found acting contrary to this, death is his penalty [author emphasis]. They follow this custom because they believe that those who possess these things are, in order to retain the use of them, easily compelled by the powerful to do their Bidding.

Some of them raise dromedaries, others sheep, pasturing them in the desert. While there are many Arab tribes who use the desert as pasture, the Nabataeans far surpass the others in wealth although they are not much more than ten thousand in number; for not a few of them are accustomed to bring down to the sea frankincense and myrrh and the most valuable kinds of spices, which they procure from those who convey them from what is called Arabia Eudaemon.

They are exceptionally fond of freedom [author emphasis]; and, whenever a strong force of enemies comes near, they take refuge in the desert, using this as a fortress; for it lacks water and cannot be crossed by others, but to them alone, since they have prepared subterranean reservoirs lined with stucco, it furnishes safety. As the earth in some places is clayey and in others is of soft stone, they make great excavations in it, the mouths of which they make very small, but by constantly increasing the width as they dig deeper, they finally make them of such size that each side has a length of one plethrum (30-33 meters). After filling these reservoirs with rain water, they close the openings, making them even with the rest of the ground, and they leave signs that are known to them-selves but are unrecognizable by others. They water their cattle every other day, so that, if they flee through waterless places, they may not need a continuous supply of water.

They themselves use as food flesh and milk and those of the plants that grow from the ground which are suitable for this purpose; for among them there grow the pepper and plenty of the so-called wild honey from trees, which they drink mixed with water. There are also other tribes of Arabs, some of whom even till the soil, mingling with the tribute-paying peoples, and have the same customs as the Syrians, except that they do not dwell in houses.

It appears that such are the customs of the Arabs. But when the time draws near for the national gathering at which those who dwell round about are accustomed to meet, some to sell goods and others to purchase things that are needful to them, they travel to this meeting, leaving on a certain rock their possessions and their old men, also their women and their children. This place is exceedingly strong but unwalled, and it is distant two days’ journey from the settled country.”

We cannot be sure if this Hellenic account and perspective is wholly accurate; whether or not they put to death fellow tribespeople who dared break their sacred codes. But the assertion that the Nabataeans were “exceptionally fond of freedom” as Hieronymus of Cardia claims is fully backed up in the different historical records of many different cultures and peoples who interacted with them across the ages.

A people of the desert, these earlier Arab nomads epitomized a pattern of resistance to the encroaching influence of civilization, a pattern that recurs throughout history. Their story, like that of so many others, reveals a fundamental conflict between those who embrace a life of independence, autonomous sovereignty, and those who seek control and the imposition of their ways upon others. These contra-historical peoples, as we have termed them, are those who resist the homogenizing force of civilization, fiercely defending and asserting their autonomy and cultural distinctiveness. The Nabataeans, through their clever use of the desert as a natural defense, their control of trade routes, and their nomadic lifestyle, demonstrate this pattern. They were not simply stupid barbarians; they were a complex society with an economy, a culture, and a system of sociality. Their choice to remain in the desert, to largely avoid agriculture, wine, and settled living, especially in their earliest days, was a conscious one, a strategic decision to maintain both their individual and cultural autonomy.

The account mentioned earlier by Hieronymus of Cardia, preserved in Diodorus of Sicily’s writings, provides a glimpse into their customs and beliefs. The Nabataeans’ rejection of the conventional trappings of civilization—the cultivation of crops, the production of wine, the building of houses—was a deliberate act of defiance. They recognized that these civilized practices made them vulnerable to external control. Their choice of a nomadic lifestyle, their ability to move and disappear into the desert, was a means of self-preservation. They understood that the key to their freedom was to remain elusive, ungraspable, and to leverage their knowledge of the environment against their enemies.

Their construction of hidden water cisterns, their intimate knowledge of the desert’s resources, and their careful control of their trade routes, all exemplify their commitment to maintaining their independence. These were not passive acts of survival; they were active strategies of resistance. The Nabataeans were not simply defending their territory; they were defending their way of life, their culture, and their freedom from external control. Their interactions with King Antigonus I Monophthalmos and his generals, and the

Hellenistic world in general, represent a clash of civilizations, a struggle between a settled, expansionist power and a people determined to preserve their autonomy. The Nabataeans were not interested in conquest; they were interested in maintaining their way of life, their autonomy, and their freedom to trade and live as they saw fit. As stated, they were not necessarily warlike, but they were willing to defend their way of life, even through warfare if necessary.

The ability of the Nabataeans to maintain their lifestyle, their ability to resist the incursions of their neighbors throughout the many centuries, demonstrates the effectiveness of their strategy. Their success, however, should not be understood as merely a matter of military prowess. It was the result of a holistic approach, encompassing economic, cultural, and social dimensions. They were not just fighters; they were artists, traders, negotiators, and, above all, masters of their environment.

This pattern of resistance is echoed throughout history. Consider the Chickamauga Cherokee, a group of Cherokee who, following the American Revolution, chose to continue resisting the encroachment of the United States government on their lands and way of life. They refused to sign treaties, continued to raid American settlements, and fought a protracted guerrilla war to protect their independence and traditions. Like the Nabataeans, the Chickamauga Cherokee understood the threat posed by the expansion of European civilization. They saw peace treaties, jurisprudence, and legalism as a means to dispossess them of their land and culture, to force them to abandon their traditional ways of life. The Chickamauga Cherokee, like the Nabataeans, adopted strategies of resistance tailored to their environment. They used the forests and mountains of their homeland as a refuge, launching surprise attacks and retreating into the

wilderness, just as the Nabataeans used the desert. The Apache, a collection of related tribes in the American Southwest, provide another powerful example of this pattern. Their resistance to Spanish and, later, American colonization was legendary. They, like the Nabataeans and Chickamauga Cherokee, used their knowledge of the terrain, their nomadic lifestyle, and their cunning to outmaneuver their enemies. They understood that civilization meant the loss of their freedom, the destruction of their culture, and the dispossession of their land. Their history is replete with acts of defiance, guerrilla warfare, and determined efforts to preserve their independence.

The uncontacted tribes of the Amazon rainforest, still living today, represent a contemporary example of this historical pattern. These isolated communities, often numbering only a few hundred or even dozens of individuals, have actively resisted contact with the outside world. Their reasons are the same as those of the Nabataeans, the Chickamauga Cherokee, and the Apache: they understand that contact with the outside world poses a threat to their way of life, their culture, and their freedom. They have witnessed the destruction of other indigenous communities, the loss of their land, and the forced assimilation into a hostile imperialist culture. Their avoidance of contact is not merely a matter of isolation; it is an act of resistance, a conscious choice to defend their way of life. Pacific people like the Maori of New Zealand, who have continued resisting European colonization for many years, also illustrate this recurring theme. They, too, once fought against British and European rule and the loss of their lands, using their knowledge of the terrain and their fighting skills to resist. They, too, understand that contact with civilization threatened their traditional ways of life, their culture, their autonomy, and mother nature itself.

Even in the modern world, this pattern of resistance persists. The Palestinian people, some of them perhaps direct genetic descendants of the Nabataean tribespeople, who have lived under occupation for decades, almost a century, provide a contemporary example. Our resistance, whether through political activism, cultural expression, or, in some cases, armed conflict, is a struggle to preserve our identity, ourr culture, and our right to self-determination. My steadfast Palestinian people understand that civilization, in the form of Israeli occupation, threatens our freedom, our culture, our spiritualism, and our very existence.

Our struggle, like that of the Nabataeans, the Chickamauga Cherokee, the Apache, the Maori, the uncontacted Amazonian tribes, and so many others is a fight against the homogenizing force of civilization, a struggle to preserve their ways of life. A fight against the silencing of the differend. These contra-historical peoples all share a common thread: a deep-seated commitment to their way of life and a willingness to defend it against every external opponent. They recognize that civilization, with its emphasis on control, standardization, and expansion, often comes at the expense of freedom, cultural diversity, and the autonomy of those who resist it. They choose to live on their own terms, even if it means facing hardship, conflict, and the constant threat of invasion. They understand that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance.

The Nabataeans, with their ingenious adaptations to the harsh desert environment, their skill in trade and negotiation, and their unwavering determination to remain independent, serve as a brilliant example of this enduring pattern. Their story reminds us that the clash between civilization and those who resist its encroachment is a recurring theme in human history, and that the struggle to preserve cultural distinctiveness and autonomy remains relevant to this day. They, and all those who have followed their example, are a testament to the enduring power of the human spirit to resist homogenization and to choose freedom over control.

The Nabataeans, with their mastery of resource management, and their resistance to outside forces, serve as a striking precursor to Frank Herbert’s Fremen of Arrakis. The parallels are numerous and profound, highlighting the recurring motifs of survival, cultural adaptation, and the struggle for self-determination that resonate across both history and science fiction. The Fremen, just like the contra-historical peoples we have discussed, exemplify the human capacity for resilience and the inherent value of preserving a distinct way of life in the face of external pressures.

Arrakis, or Dune, is a harsh and unforgiving desert planet, much like the environments inhabited by the Nabataeans, the Apache, and other contra-historical groups. This environment shapes the Fremen, forcing them to adapt and evolve in ways that define their culture and survival. Their mastery of water conservation, their development of the stillsuit, and their knowledge of the sandworms are all testaments to their ability to thrive in a seemingly inhospitable world. Similarly, the Nabataeans, through their ingenious reservoirs and their nomadic practices, demonstrated an exceptional understanding of their desert environment. The Apache, too, possessed an intimate knowledge of their arid homeland, using this knowledge to evade their pursuers and sustain themselves.

Both the Fremen and the Nabataeans value their freedom above all else. They resist external control, whether it comes from the Imperium in the case of the Fremen or from the Hellenistic powers in the case of the Nabataeans. This resistance is not merely a matter of military strength; it is a cultural imperative, a deeply ingrained belief in the right to self-determination. The Fremen’s jihad, a religious war for control of Arrakis, is the ultimate expression of this desire for freedom. The Nabataeans, as we have seen, skillfully avoided direct confrontation, but were ready to fight to preserve their liberty.

The cultural practices of the Fremen and the Nabataeans are also remarkably similar. Both groups value communal living, strong social bonds, and a reverence for their ancestors and traditions. The Fremen’s rituals and religious beliefs, centered on the importance of water and the sandworms, are deeply rooted in their environment and history. The Nabataeans, too, appear to have had a strong sense of community and a distinct set of customs that set them apart from their neighbors. Both cultures prioritize survival, placing a high value on resourcefulness, resilience, and a willingness to adapt.

Perhaps the most striking parallel is the Fremen’s role as a provider of a vital resource, melange (spice), much like the Nabataeans controlled key trade routes. The Nabataeans, by controlling the flow of incense and spices, held a position of economic power in the ancient world. They were not merely traders; they were the gatekeepers of a valuable commodity, and thus, of a crucial element in the global economy of their time. Similarly, the Fremen control the production of melange, a substance that is essential for interstellar travel and the prolongation of life. This control gives them immense political and economic leverage, allowing them to challenge the power of the Imperium and ultimately reshape the galaxy.

Both the Nabataeans and the Fremen are seen as “other” by those outside their cultures.They are often misunderstood, feared, and viewed with suspicion. Their customs and ways of life are often seen as strange or primitive, and their resistance to external control is viewed as a threat. This othering is a common theme in the history of contra-historical peoples, who are often marginalized and demonized by those in power. The modern science fiction fan, however, often embraces these figures for the very reasons they are othered. The Fremen, in their alienness, embody ideals of freedom, resistance, and environmental consciousness that many find absent in the civilized world.

There is a latent irony here, however. While science fiction offers an escape into worlds where resistance and survival are glorified, where the marginalized are often the heroes, the real-life counterparts of these fictional characters are often denied the same support. The Nabataeans are gone. Many of the contra-historical groups we’ve discussed face an ongoing struggle, often against overwhelming odds. The uncontacted Amazonian tribes, for example, are threatened by deforestation, mining, and encroachment on their lands. The Palestinians face displacement, occupation, a lack of recognition of their rights, and most recently, unrestrained genocidal assault.

Modern science fiction fandom, often composed of young people, find themselves captivated by these figures. Their escapism allows them to live, vicariously, through the stories of the Fremen. They might wear Fremen cosplay, they might engage in online discussions about the political dimensions of the novel, and even go so far as to fetishize the “otherness” the Fremen embody. But too rarely does this translate into real-world support for those engaged in similar struggles. How often do these fans, caught up in the drama of fictional battles, take concrete actions to support the real-world indigenous communities or Palestinians fighting for their survival? How often do they direct their passion toward real-world combativeness? The detachment is often lamentable. The “cool” warrior in a book or movie, the one who

can survive where others cannot, takes on a heroic cast in the imagination, but the realities of the modern world often mean the destruction of those ideals. The passion for the fictional quickly, it seems, burns itself out without a single match being lit for their real-life counterparts. The science fiction fan, lost in their own world of imaginary threats, often fails to see the real threats facing those who resemble their heroes in the modern day.

This disconnect is not simply a matter of apathy. It is often a complex interplay of factors, including a lack of awareness, a sense of powerlessness, and a tendency to prioritize personal enjoyment over communal action. The Internet and social media offer a platform for surrogate engagements, echo chambers, reinforcing existing biases and most often preventing meaningful dialogue. The distractions of modern life, from the demands of work and school to the constant bombardment of entertainment and vice, can also make it difficult to focus on the struggles of others.

This, however, is not to say that science fiction fandom is entirely divorced from social and political concerns. Many fans are deeply engaged in things like ecology, indigenous struggles, and animal rights. But the focus on fictional worlds often overshadows the struggles of those who embody similar values in reality. The Fremen’s fight for Arrakis, in the minds of some, becomes more important than the Palestinians’ fight for their homeland. The Apaches’ fight for their land becomes a distant memory, buried beneath the imagery of a galactic war. The Fremen, and the Nabataeans, offer lessons that we often fail to take to heart. They remind us of the importance of cultural preservation, the value of self-determination, and the need to respect the environment. They also highlight the dangers of complacency, the risks of ignoring the struggles of others, and the tragic consequences of romanticizing resistance without providing real-world support.

The parallels between the Fremen and the Nabataeans are undeniable, revealing the power of the themes of survival, cultural adaptation, and resistance. The Fremen, like the Nabataeans, embody the ideals of freedom, resilience, and environmental consciousness. As science fiction fans become lost in the escapism that these characters provide, they must also be reminded of those struggling in the modern world, who mirror these figures in so many ways.

Zhachev is a 35 year-old Palestinian born in exile in the southeastern United States. He currently lives and writes from the southern Blue Ridge Mountains. substack.com/@zhachev

Mar – this poem is dedicated to uncle

Posted on 02/05/2025 - 05/05/2025 by muntjac

Part of Muntjac Issue 2: Insurgency & Counter Insurgency

no to the uncle who told us his hijabi cousins feel safer calling the police so we should all comply while the st georges set fire to the hotel exits

no to the aunties in glittering geles shaking coloniser hands in blood stained palace galas

no to the OBE MBE EDI workshops that report me to HR because my tone makes them feel uncomfortable

no to zionism, nazism, hindutva fascism, beckies who think their good hair buys them access to white-ism

no to the charity philanthropy bursary purchasing black and brown boys for the prevent to prison pipeline

no to assimilation respectability politicking boot-licking do you season the leather or have you sold off your taste for spice too

no to the head down keep quiet change your name to something more comfortable to unmelanised tongues if they can pronounce guattari they will honour my grandmother’s legacy

so no

no to uncle

no to uncle pouring limp water on the fire of my rage

Sidiq – Pengar / Hangover 

Posted on 02/05/2025 - 05/05/2025 by muntjac

Part of Muntjac Issue 2: Insurgency & Counter Insurgency

Pengar

Selama kekuasaan berdiri tegak menghadap

Dan menjadi ancaman bagi kebebasan hidup.

Takkan berhenti ku persembahkan Pemberontakan bak perampok pembuat kekacauan

Menjelma perompak menyusur lautan.

Hingga koleris busuk peradaban takkan menemukan lagi celah

Hingga semua rata dengan tanah.

 

Hangover 

As long as power stands tall

and threatens the freedom of life.

I will not stop presenting

Rebellion like a robber making chaos

Incarnate pirates along the sea.

Until the rotten colonialists of civilization

will find no more loopholes

Until all is razed to the ground!

 

From Palang Hitam Anarkis:

Sidiq is an anarchist, illegalist and an individualist.

On the 12th of July 2024, state authorities had arrested him for cannabis use and possession. He often contributes to anarchist publishing and street libraries, involvement in soccer hooligan club, clashes in protests and a passion for writing poetry. Sidiq is looking at a possible 10 year prison term.

His support group are taking donations via paypal at; einzine16@gmail.com

You can write to Sidiq;

Muhammad Ilyas Sidiq

Lapas (prison) Kebonwaru, Kec.

Batununggal, Kota Bandung, Jawa Barat

40272

Indonesia

Sidiq is part of two publishing collectives; Contemplative Editions and Talas Press who publish anarchist books.

 

Contemplative Editions

contemplative@riseup.net

@___contemplative [Instagram] 

contemplativepublishing.noblogs.org

 

Talas Press

@talaspress [Instagram] 

https://linktr.ee/talaspress

 

For more information on anarchist anti-prison struggle in so-called Indonesia, find Palang Hitam Anarkis [Anarchist Black Cross] online at palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org or on Instagram @ palang__hitam

Margeret Kimblerly & Roddy Rod  – Martinique’s History of Resistance

Posted on 02/05/2025 - 05/05/2025 by muntjac

Part of Muntjac Issue 2: Insurgency & Counter Insurgency

Margaret Kimberly The Caribbean island Martinique, is an overseas department of France, but its people are in protest against the government in Paris. The most recent protest occurred because of the high cost of food due to the presence of food distribution monopolies. Roddy Rod is an anti-kepone activist, a pan-African, anti-imperialist resident of Martinique. He is also a resident of the African nation the Ivory Coast. He speaks on behalf of other anarchists in Martinique who are engaged in disruptions on behalf of the people there. He joins us from Martinique.

Roddy Rod Thank you margret, it’s an honor to be here.

MK I don’t think Americans know much about Martinique, people think of it as a colony when in fact it is France, just as Hawaii is the US even though it’s far from the mainland. Despite being a part of France, people there do not have the same material conditions that other citizens of France have. There have been protests, intermittent protests and there were some recently about the high costs of food. What is it that causes these differences in treatment and the difference in food prices?

RR The obvious response is that it’s 7,000 Kilometers from France, Martinique has a colonial history. You see, Margret, colonisation has multiple faces it can be destroying Haiti, as France has done, it can be through false decolonisation within West Africa and keep the money and it can also be through departmentalisation where its a still a french department but you always have to fight and to scream to have the same treatment. Some people still choose to fight for equality, I don’t have the pretension to speak for those people, I respect them, but I’m not part of them.

As far as the situation here, there is an association that started with claims, the strict claim was in response to a commission against the monopolies in Martinique, in 2023. Monopolies within the food distribution industry have been made to answer as to why the cost of food distribution is so high. In regards to that there is an association who started claims saying “you say that Martinique is france, then the prices then the food has to be at the same price as in france” that is when everything really started. Its nothing new, that fight against the monopolies has been going on for centuries, mainly within our modern history in Martinique, it has erupted and never really stopped, its calmed down but its not gonna calm down anymore, in 2009 and then for other reasons in 2019, 2020 and now in 2024.

So, that association, their strict claim is “nothing more” they don’t talk about colonisation, they don’t talk about imperialism, their claim is France has to manage something in order for the food to be at the same price as in france. That is the starting point in September, 2024.

MK It’s interesting, I use the example of Hawaii, being a US state, even though it’s far away. They also have very high food prices. It seems, there is a connection between these places that are allegedly part of another country which prevents them from doing what’s right by their people. It seems that Martiqnue should secure food from the rest of the region, the Caribbean and other nations. Is that not possible?

RR That’s when the historical context comes in, thank you for that and yes I believe it would be a very rich conversation with people from Hawaii and from Puerto Rico as well. The historical context within Martinqiue is that there is a colonial pact that doesn’t say its name anymore, that is still in place with its economic function Martique, as with many countries in the Caribbean, has gone through the genocide of Natives and then the deportation of Africans forced through slavery to work. Then thanks to the brave people of Haiti, we have gone through a process of abolition of slavery.

Slavery in Martinqiue was abolished in 1848. What happened at that time? Descendants of enslavers, who were enslavers the day before. They were compensated for the loss of the forced labor, they kept much of their land and they kept their connections with the French elites. They kept the same economic model we have today in Martinique in which we plant an aggressive monoculture. We plant bananas and sugar canes, some of these are for rum. These are exported on boats as raw products. These same boats come back with products from france. 80% of what we consume in Martinique comes from the imports from France.

The individuals who are within the export and import industry are in a community, that we call the Bekes and there are big names within the Bekes, they are a caste, they have a racial way of functioning which is white supremacism. They are descendants of enslavers, that’s the issue we still have in Martinique.

MK So, the people who control Martinqiues economy are white people, descended from the slaveholding class?

RR It’s not just white people, because even white people in France are against this, there are a lot of French people who are against this way of functioning, it’s caste, it’s white supremacy, it’s not white privilege. Which is a different problem, it’s white supremacy at its purest. We have people whose ancestors have been compensated for the loss of their workforce when slavery in Martinqiue was abolished. They kept lands, they kept economic power. They kept growing through the centuries, through the next generations. So I’m oppressed by the same last names that my grandmother, my great grandmother, my great great grandmother were oppressed under. Those are the same last names, its caste.

MK So, it is a class issue?

RR Yes, it’s a capitalism issue. We have white people as allies, it is just capitalism at its purest. The consequence is not just the food price, everything is more expensive here. Another consequence is Kepone, Chlordecone and in the US Kepone was manufactured by in the US by Allied Chemicals.

MK So, Kepone is an insecticide, correct?

RR Initially, it was not authorised on US soil for us, it was authorised for Export. In 1974, at the warehouse of Allied Chemicals, there was an issue with AlliedChemicals. The workers were infected, the river was infected as well, it is a highly toxic pesticide. In the US, this issue was handled quickly, banana producers that were importing this pesticide in Martinique went and bought the authorization for them to bring production somewhere else. They knew of its toxicity since 1975. As of today, the use of this pesticide was stopped in France in 1990, in Martinique it was used until 1993. That lobby bought a lot of the pesticide before the ending date came in.

MK So this pesticide was banned in the US for 50 years but it was allowed to be used in Martinique. Is it still being used in Martinique?

RR Not officially, since 1993. The reason why I’m very meticulous in what I say is because of the arguments in courts. The consequence is, a lot of our soil, our rivers and some of our seas have been poisoned for more than 500 years. It can poison the Chickens, the Fish, it is an environmental catastrophe. There is a UN report that classifies Martinqiue and Guadeloupe as two of the fifty most countries polluted on earth.

Why I talk about Kepone is the same people, the same companies that plant bananas are the same ones importing food.

[…]

MK The protest over these conditions, in this case, high prices. What is it that people want? Do they want to be treated more equitably, do they want to be independent of France? What is the demand of the protest?

RR Martinique, in my opinion, is at a crossroads. There is a consensus, things need to change. Everybody agrees, even in France. There are three camps;

– The majority of people want to fight for quality.

– There are people who want to start the process of autonomy

– There are more radicals, like myself, who want to go through the fight for independence.

The people who want to fight for autonomy and those who want independence are allies. We don’t agree on everything but we want to push the line forward for emancipation, whether it has to go progressively or it has to be more radically more drastic.

MK What is the outlook for any of those things happening? For autonomy or independence?

RR I’ll take some time to explain to you, what has happened in terms of protest in the last 15 years. Before I say this, Martinique has a rich history of fighting against colonialism and for independence, even through minority camps.

We have the insurrection that took place in 1870 led by Lumina Sophie. We have many radicals throughout our history, we have Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire the L’OJAM (Organisation de la Jeunesse Anticolonialiste de la Martinique / Anticolonialist Youth Organisation of Martinique) who faced répression. We had Martiniquans joining the ARC (Alliance révolutionnaire caraïbe / Caribbean Revolutionary Alliance) after the ARC was banned and brought down, some people in Martinqiue kept going like the Sons of Telga. Telga was one of the major figures of the 1870 insurrection in Martinique.

What I’m trying to say is, even if it’s a minority, we still have members of the independence camp who keep fighting for independence and we have a rich history of fighting. Even if the people of Martinique continue fighting for equality.

The French didn’t push forward equality in our history through kindness. People fought, people died, for equality.

The consequences of what happened in Martinique in the past few weeks. You have 134 small and big businesses that have either been vandalized, looted or burned down. You have more than 560 people that have lost their jobs, you have losses between around $70 million dollars this is all spread between 19 towns. Coming down to this, it’s very sad. Martinique is 1,128 square meters. It’s 360,000 people. 200 people were arrested as France sent elite troops.

In Guadeloupe in 2009, the fight against the high cost of food distribution began. It began there and had a domino effect in Martinique, 15 years later, nothing has changed. Under the camp for independence you had youth that I was a part of that had a different approach in 2019, throughout the Kepone commission. When the state starts a commission, sometimes it is to protect some people, it is not to bring people to justice. We knew where it was going. We, a small group of radicals started disruptions against stores, against colonial statues, against plantations. We had a different approach saying; the problem is colonial, people have to realise it. Through reforms you reinforce the colonial power.

We have to face that colonial power, our approach was to make disruptions so people can see that we’re not scared of the police and the repression. I was highly injured myself, I was shot in the face by the police during protests in 2020. Not just me, Kéziah Nuissier who was almost lynched by French white police. We were prosecuted, many others went to jail. Some for two years.

The response, then and now from the French state is to send in the French elite police troops called the CRS. In 1959, following a fight between a white and black person in Martinique, following that there were protests that were repressed by the CRS. There are three people who have been assassinated by them, the response from the Martinquian deputies was “the CRS needs to go”

There is an association, who wanted to start negotiations with the food distribution enterprise companies, the response from the government was to send the CRS. That is what sparked violence, looting and insurrection in Martinique.

The interview has been abridged and edited for ease of reading. For the full conversation, listen to the original audio. soundcloud.com/user-92939733/martiniques-history-of-resistance

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