Statement of the Anarchist Group of Sudan
From our deep understanding of social revolution as anarchists and our revolutionary duty, we present our perspective and proposals for solutions concerning our beloved homeland and its people.
We have witnessed how political forces, alongside their ally, the Janjaweed, and the same forces that conspired with them to violently disperse the sit-in and kill Sudanese youth, have now agreed to divide the country after failing in their attempt to fully control it.
The Sudanese street, which united with conscious revolutionary spontaneity under clear slogans— »The military to the barracks, the Janjaweed must dissolve »—is now facing an attempt by all the forces it stood against to slaughter its revolution.
The Janjaweed’s adoption of revolutionary principles, along with their allies, is nothing but empty slogans devoid of meaning. The wolf is trying to wear the sheep’s wool. We therefore warn revolutionaries worldwide against falling for their vile tricks. Any support directed towards political forces in Sudan ultimately serves the counter-revolution and buries it.
Just as counter-revolutionary forces have always sought to criminalize revolutionary action, the propaganda of the former regime is intensifying. We categorically reject the exploitation of the Sudanese people’s sacrifices in defending themselves against the imperialist partitioning project, carried out by political forces affiliated with the former regime. The Sudanese people fought against the Janjaweed in self-defense, not for political gain or power.
A Message to the Revolutionaries
The Janjaweed, their political allies, and the remnants of the former regime are enemies of the revolution. This fact has not changed, and the revolution continues. We urge you to reject the racial supremacist discourse that has spread during this war and to unite against the systematic war propaganda. Do not be dragged behind ideological propaganda; instead, assess the revolutionary situation truthfully.
The right to self-defense is a natural right. We do not oppose anyone defending themselves, their land, or their family—this is an inherent human right.
We have witnessed horrific crimes committed by the warring factions. While we stand firmly against the Janjaweed until they are completely dissolved, we also condemn all unjustified crimes committed by state forces. Even under oppressive laws, the right to self-defense is recognized, and legal frameworks exist for addressing crimes. We reject the extrajudicial application of justice, as it only perpetuates cycles of revenge. Crime cannot be countered with another crime.
We call upon revolutionaries to unite behind the idea of mutual aid and solidarity, so we may rise from the wreckage of these schemes that seek to bury the revolution. And we say this: Whoever tries to bury the revolution, know that revolution is a seed—once buried, it will only grow into stronger and more fruitful trees.
Long live the revolution!
Long live freedom!
22d of February, 2025
Tunisian General Labor Union UGTT : Reform from Within, Possibility or Mirage?
The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) has always been a central force on the Tunisian political and social scene, but at the same time it suffers from a fundamental contradiction between its historical role as an incubator of workers’ struggles and its transformation into a calcified bureaucratic institution. The central question here is: can the union be reformed from within, or is any attempt to do so merely a reproduction of the logic of the state itself within trade unionism?
The Fundamental Contradiction: Union or Institution?
The union emerged in the context of the struggle against colonialism and subsequently established itself as a mediator between workers and the authorities in the era of the national state. However, over time, it ceased to be a mere tool of struggle and became an integral part of the state’s institutional structure, negotiating within a political and economic system that maintains the domination of capital. This is where the main contradiction emerges: a union that is supposed to represent the working class, but which is ultimately subject to the logic of the state, that is, to the logic of hierarchy, representation, and negotiation instead of direct confrontation.
Reform from Within: Possibility or Mirage?
Some believe it is possible to reform the union by restoring the spirit of struggle within it, but this idea ignores the deep structure that governs it. Just as the state cannot be reformed to become « horizontal » without losing its essence as a tool of repression, any attempt at « democracy » within the union runs up against the walls of its inherent bureaucracy, where every internal rebellion becomes a new project of containment. Any internal reform is, ultimately, a reproduction of the same model with new faces.
The Revolutionary Alternative: Overcome, Not Reform. If the problem lies in the structure itself, the solution cannot be a patchwork, but a radical one. The alternative lies not in union reform, but in moving beyond it to forms of worker self-organization: workers’ councils, horizontal unions, structures independent of any bureaucratic representation. Revolutionary union action cannot be an official institution, but must be a dynamic movement that rejects the logic of mediation and seeks to create a genuine working-class force outside the framework of the state and the market. Towards a New Horizon for Union Action The insistence of some on wanting to reform the Tunisian General Labor Union amounts to wanting to reform the state itself from within: an illusion that drags the workers’ struggle into the quagmire of formal reforms. The alternative is not to recycle the same bureaucratic mechanisms, but to build independent structures of struggle based on direct democracy and collective action.
Transcendence, not reform, is the only path to truly freeing workers from the constraints of bureaucracy and the logic of the state.
NC (Tunisia)
El-Fasher: The City That Anarchists Support in Its Self-Defense
Since its formation, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), known as the Janjaweed, have practiced racial supremacy and genocide against the people of Darfur with the support of Omar al-Bashir and the central authority in Khartoum. The Janjaweed have turned the city into a massive military camp by burning villages around it and devastating towns across Darfur, especially El-Geneina, where some of the most horrific modern ethnic massacres have taken place. In one of their brutal acts, the RSF gathered indigenous Massalit people in a water drainage area and buried them alive. Videos recorded by the perpetrators themselves show victims pleading to be shot rather than buried alive.
This horrifying image is deeply ingrained in the minds of El-Fasher’s residents and social communities, making it clear that surrendering to the Janjaweed means being exterminated alive.
That is why they have decided to defend themselves.
As for the army, it holds onto the city for military purposes, but after its withdrawal from Zalingei and Wad Madani, it is no longer a trusted force for the people. Meanwhile, the armed resistance movements that have taken up arms against the Janjaweed have significant ethnic ties to the city’s population.
However, at the core of the issue is the fact that the RSF does not engage in direct battles with military factions but instead bombards civilians indiscriminately, targeting markets and hospitals. This was evident in the complete destruction of Zamzam camp, the largest refugee camp for those fleeing Janjaweed atrocities, where its residents were shelled using Emirati-supplied artillery.
The United Arab Emirates has provided substantial support to the RSF to divide the country, supplying them with drones that destroy civilian infrastructure, along with mortar shells and ammunition, including 120mm, 125mm, and 130mm rounds—used in some of the most brutal indiscriminate bombings aimed at forcibly displacing the population. The UAE’s support is driven by its desire to control Darfur’s gold, land, and livestock wealth, aligning with the ambitions of the Dagalo mafia to dominate the region. Their formation of a new government now lays bare their true intentions of fueling war, which anarchists have long recognized.
Yet, despite this extensive financial and military backing, the unwavering determination of the city’s people and their fight for survival stand as an unbreakable force. This is a fundamental struggle that resonates with all who carry a revolutionary spirit and fight for freedom.
Fawaz Murtada.
The third article, “Why Would You Become an Anarchist in Sudan?” has been translated by the CNT-AIT poorly, as such, you’d be better off reading the translation we posted a a few hours ago.